Posted by
Chris Rawlings on Sunday, July 30, 2006 5:20:25 PM
'Tis a blessing to have a man like Mark Steyn on our side in this war. Steyn's latest column deals with the idea of war as profession, and why it's so dangerous. The truth is, Steyn articulates, war is much more about ideas. Yes, America can utterly destroy it's enemies....militarily. Yet war, as we are beginning to see much more clearly, is very much about giving a capable military power something compelling to fight about.
Says Steyn:
War is not like firefighting: It's not about going to the burning house, identifying what needs to be done, and doing it; it's not a technical solution to an obvious problem. And, if you think it is, you find yourself like George Bush Sr. in 1991, standing in front of the gates of Baghdad and going, "Er, OK. Now what?" Some people look at the burning house and see Hezbollah terrorism; others see Israeli obduracy, or a lack of American diplomacy, or Iranian machinations, or a need to get the permanent Security Council members to send peacekeepers, or "poverty" or "despair" or an almighty pile-up of abstract nouns. You can have the best fastest state-of-the-art car on the road, but, if you don't know where you're going, the fellow in the rusting '73 Oldsmobile will get there and you won't. It's the ideas that drive a war and the support they command in the broader society that determine whether you'll see it through to real victory. After Korea and Vietnam and Gulf War I, it shouldn't be necessary to have to state that. (Chicago Sun-Times, 7/30/06)
It is at times like these, when the going gets tough, that factionalism takes hold most strongly. Yet, it is at times like these where we most need unity. This is the tricky paradox of war that keeps so many other countries out of the business. The George Wills split with the Andrew Sullivans, although they both generally split in the same direction. The Murthas split with very dissatisfied army generals, although they both generally split the same way. The original core of war supporters has dwindled considerably, but at the center stands two brave men: President Bush and Tony Blair. I'm not terribly concerned that the American committment, militarily, will waver as long as Bush and Blair are running the show. Yet the military need the public's idealogical committment as well. I don't know, although I doubt it, that the general public has given up yet.
This isn't even entirely about keeping our cities safe (although it that is a lot of it). It is not entirely about the transformative power of democracy in a region long held by the strong grip of tyranny. No, these days we fight because we believe in liberty as both transformative and edifying. America is mainly about freedom and it's no use to embrace the status quo as during the Clinton years when the world is on fire. America, whether she likes it or not, is thrust into the infurno because she, as the signpost of liberty, has to do that sort of thing. Americans don't need to see their country so much as a knight in shining armour coming to free the beholden maidens in the Arab world as much as they need to see themselves as the "last, best hope for mankind." Lincoln was right then. We really could use his voice now.
Concludes Steyn:
Our enemies understand "why we fight" and where the fight is. They know that in the greater scheme of things the mosques of Jakarta and Amsterdam and Toronto and Dearborn are more important territory than the Sunni Triangle. The U.S. military is the best-equipped and best-trained in the world. But it's not enough, it never has been and it never will be.
Indeed, this is all about ideas. And in the war of ideas, we are much more vulnerable than we'd like to think.